Just as the country‘s housing supply was starting to increase after a decade of austerity-induced inactivity, Covid-19 has brought the construction sector to a shuddering halt. Public and private construction has ceased. Workers have been laid off or put on the wage subsidy scheme. The pre-construction pipeline involving architects, surveyors, design teams and procurement has been paused.

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General election 2020 was seismic. It has brought about a degree of change that will take some time to fully understand.

The old two party system, that has dominated this State for a century, is gone. The shape things to come is not yet certain. The future will, in part, be determined by what political parties do and don’t do in the days and weeks ahead.<!–moreContinue reading–>

Two things are clear. The electorate roundly rejected the last four years of Fine Gael-Fianna Fáil confidence and supply. In turn they voted in large numbers for change.

The defeat suffered by Micheal Martin and Leo Varadkar is easy to explain. At a time of economic recovery and full employment too many people are struggling to get by.

Affordable accommodation is beyond the reach of growing numbers of workers. The cost of childcare and education continues to rise. Too many people are waiting too long for hospital appointments or on trollies. Working people are angry at being denied the right to retire at 65. Young people want action on spiralling rents and climate change.

In turn huge numbers of people voted for those parties offering radical and credible solutions to these problems.

Sinn Féin was seen by voters as the party with real solutions on housing, health, pensions and Irish Unity. The Green Party were identified as offering the strongest platform on climate action. The Social Democrats we’re credited as playing a key role in delivering the Sláintecare.

A growing section of the electorate, hungry for change, rewarded these parties with a significant increase in vote share and Dáil seats.

But the desire for change is, I believe, much wider that this. A huge number of people who voted for smaller parties, independents and even Fianna Fáil are affected by the crises in housing and health. They too are being hit hard by the rising cost of living. They too want more urgent action to reduce carbon emissions. The broad popular mood is for real change.

Sinn Féin said during the election that our preferred option was a Government without Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

We also said that the worst possible option was a return to the failed policies of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. Yet this is exactly what Micheal Martin is now proposing.

There is an alternative, a Government that can deliver the level of deep rooted social and economic change that the voters clearly thirst for.

Such a Government would prioritise investment in housing, health, public transport, renewable energy and affordable childcare. It would support low paid workers in the public and private sector. It would return the pension age to 65. It would prepare for Irish Unity.

On housing it would set out an ambitious five year programme to deliver 100,000 public homes on public land to meet social and affordable need. It would lift the recruitment embargo in the health service to end the immediate crisis while funding the full implementation of Sláintecare. It would reduce carbon emissions by 7% annually with legally binding sectoral targets. It would encourage a reasoned and respectful conversation on Irish Unity through a Citizens Assembly.

And it would deliver all of this with a fiscal package that is just, fair and sustainable – no extra borrowing, no additional taxes on workers earning less than €100,000 a year and running a budget surplus.

All of this is possible. The question is whether there is the political will to be bold and ambitious and deliver the level of change that people clearly desire. Sinn Féin has met with the Green Party and the Social Democrats and set out our broad approach. Further meetings will take place in the coming weeks.

We have also met with and spoke to a wide range of smaller progressive parties and independents to see if we can build common cause.

Fine Gael have made their position very clear. They are not interested in change. They are wedded to the failed politics and policies of the past four years. So too, it seems is Micheal Martin. And yet he claims he wants an Ireland for All. Only last week he said now is the time for radical action on housing, health, and climate.

That radical action, on housing, health, climate, childcare, pensions and public transport and Irish Unity can not be delivered in coalition with Fine Gael. Nor can it be delivered with the anaemic level of investment promised by Fianna Fáil during the election.

So Micheal has to make up his mind. Will he continue to disregard 24% of the electorate, prop up the failed status quo and put Leo Varadkar back in power. Or will he listen to the people and sit down with all pro-change parties including Sinn Féin to agree a progressive programme for government that gives workers and families and break.

Change always seems impossible until it happens. People now know that a new political era has begun. The wont tolerate political posturing, unnecessary delays in government formation or threats of another election.

The people have spoken and now they expect their elected representatives to get on with the work of delivering a Government for change.

This article was first published in the Sunday Business post on 16.2.20

The industry response to Sinn Féin’s rent reduction and freeze Bill was as swift as it was predictable. Continue reading

Last week I met The Collective. This was not, as the name might suggest, a 1980s electro-pop cover band nor a midwestern evangelical Trump-voting cult. It is a group of young hipsters looking to bring the co-living vision of their entrepreneur-messiah Reza Merchant to the streets of our capital. Continue reading

Politics: Home: Why Public Housing is the Answer, By Eoin Ó Broin, Merrion Press, €14.95

Eoin Ó Broin has often been tipped as a future leader of Sinn Féin. Even people who usually despise his party would concede that the Dublin Mid West TD is highly principled, impeccably briefed and formidable in debate. “You only have to listen to Eoin for ten seconds,” the republican writer and broadcaster Jude Collins recently said, “to see that the brains are only bursting out of him.” So when such a serious politician writes a 254-page book about the country’s most pressing social problem, it must be treated with full respect. Continue reading

Fine Gael has been in Government for eight years. During that time access to secure and affordable accommodation has become increasingly out of reach for tens of thousands of people. House prices and rents have soared. Construction of new homes by councils and the private sector has been glacial in pace. Thousands of properties are being lost from the rental market. Tens of thousands of perfectly good homes lie vacant. Homelessness has reached unprecedented levels. Continue reading

After much delay the Government has finally introduced regulations for the short term letting sector. Last week the Oireachtas Housing Committee unanimously passed Eoghan Murphy’s amendments to the Planning and Development Act 2000, which are set to become law before the summer. Continue reading

Eoghan Murphy has quietly revised downwards one of his key housing targets. There was no press conference, no media release, not even a tweet. Instead, just a subtle but significant change in language, the result of which has been to create a hole at the very heart of his housing plan. Continue reading

Twenty years ago a group of academics from University College Dublin published Social Housing in Ireland, A Study of Success, Failure and Lessons Learned. Led by Professor of Social Policy Tony Fahey the book remains the benchmark study into social housing in this state. Continue reading

In 2004 the National Economic and Social Council published ‘Housing in Ireland’. This landmark study was the most detailed analysis of the State’s housing system ever produced. The 200-page report was backed up by scores of more detailed background briefing papers. Continue reading